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THE
PAKEHA ELECTORAL OPTION
May 22, 2003
WELLINGTON, NEW ZEALAND (MAY
22, 2005): The arrangements for the Pakeha Electoral Option
have now been decided. After the 2006 census, the process
of redrawing electorate boundaries will begin with a four-month
Pakeha Electoral Option.
During
this period, electors on the General roll who indicated on
their enrolment forms that they are of Pakeha descent will
be sent a letter asking them to choose which type of roll
they want to be registered on. These electors can choose to
be on either the Pakeha electoral roll or the General electoral
roll.
Once
they have made their choice, the person cannot change the
type of roll they are registered on until the next Pakeha
Electoral Option is held in five years time. If Pakeha who
are already registered as electors do not make a choice during
the Pakeha Electoral Option period, they remain on the type
of roll they were already on. No correspondence will be entered
into.
The
results of the Pakeha Electoral Option form the basis for
calculating the Pakeha electoral population and the General
electoral population. The results also affect the number of
Pakeha seats there will be for the next two general elections.
The
number of Pakeha electorate seats can rise or fall depending
on the number of Pakeha who choose to be registered on the
Pakeha electoral roll. A change in the number of Pakeha seats
can affect the number of General seats in the South Island
and the number of list seats.
The
Pakeha Electoral Option also affects the boundaries of all
seats—General and Pakeha.
As a result, the process of re-drawing electorate boundaries
cannot begin until the Pakeha Electoral Option has been held.
The
next Pakeha Electoral Option will be held from April until
August 2006.
Is
Bill English, leader of the opposition National Party, correct
in what he said this month that the existing Maori electorates
in NZ are a form of affirmative action? Does he even know
what affirmative action is? Or are the Greens and the Labour
Party correct in that these seats must be retained for Maori
to achieve better political representation?
Isn't
there something that's maybe a little bit insidious that vested
interests in Maori society coupled with white NZ's liberal
attitudes towards Maori leads to the retention of what is
basically a racially-based system of elections? And aren't
racially based systems of elections the kind of thing that
all Marxist, leftist, feminist and anarchist pluralists battle
staunchly against?
Can
anyone name another country that today—in the 21st Century—still retains an apartheid form of democratic
elections?
About
a year ago I attended a life-altering event: the Ngati Kahungunu
Incorporated Economic Development Summit. I got to hob-nob
it with the hoi polloi of Maoridom. This one was special:
it was to be in Wairoa. Aunty Tumanako, now in her 90s, lovingly
gave me day two of her conference pass. When I picked it up,
she was stripping paint. I smiled, and I drove on out to the
event on a shivering midwinter's morn.
Everybody
who was everybody was there. Mana Wairoa was out in force.
I made my way in past two dozen Aunty hugs plus one Uncle
asking me why I wasn't married and settled down with a nice
wahine and ten kids yet. All the national figures were there,
too. I watched newly slim Donna Awatere, MP67 flitter by. She chattered and was flattered
by other wahine who were impressed both with her new look
and the fashion show extravaganza she'd put together the night
before. I sat outside in the sunshine eavesdropping on Sir
Tipene O'Regan and his latest Kai Tahu multi-million dollar
dealings. He looked so erudite with his vaporous pipe. I chatted
over tea with one of Winston Peters brothers about all the
scandalous elements of being a NZ First MP, and he assured
me its all "Lies, Lies, Lies!" (or, on second recollections,
didn't he say its all "True, True, True!"?).
The
crowd was pretty much 99.99% Maori. Lunch was a hangi. The
hongi snob meter was on high. As the day wore on, I noticed
a tone start to emerge from both the audience and the speakers
that began to bother me. Pakeha bashing. White people are
the problem. They are the cause of all our ills. Their handouts
hold us back. They are killing us with kindness. We must embrace
western business models of success. Develop our resources.
Sell ourselves to tourists. Lots of talk like that.
The
anti-Pakeha sentiment was rather subtle and insidious to start
with, but it came to a rather intoxicating crescendo with
the much heralded arrival of Hon. Winston Peters, MP, leader
of the New Zealand First Party, and public speaker extraordinaire.
Hon. Peters had been running late, but his chartered flight
to Wairoa airport arrived just in time for the audience to
give him their full attention. No one seemed to mind his tardiness,
though to me the late arrival did seem a wee bit choreographed.
Winston
did his usual rant against Treaty settlements. That Maori
in Australia just get on with it, so why can't Maori here
do the same68? That Maori are lazy dole bludgers
and just need the opportunity to move past all the past grievances
for the glorious future that lies ahead. And who did he blame
for all of this? Not Maori. Not past Crown illegalities against
Maori. Not any past racist colonialist imperial crown governments.
No, there was one target, and one target only to blame: Sickly
White Liberals69.
He
ranted on about Sickly White Liberals keeping Maori down on
the dole. Sickly White Liberals with all their Nanny-state
programmes that hold Maori back. As any former resident of
San Francisco (undoubtedly, the Sickly White Liberal Capital
Of The World!) would be expected to do, I hissed at him. Loudly.
Hsssssssssssssss. I was singular in my voice. I looked around
me, and I saw a Maori audience entranced by what he was saying.
It was pretty much 90% charisma, 10% ideas, but the message
was clear: White people are to blame for Maoridom's70
troubles. They're far, far too generous. And it must be stopped!
I
was glad when he got off the stage, glad that it was over
and done with. He gave pat answers to a number of quite penetrating
questions, a slick Winnie with all the patina of a lawyer
and a politician. I thought all this ickiness was all over,
but then what happened? An employee of Industry NZ (a division
of the Ministry of Economic Development) got up and started
to rant on at how Winston was so right, using the "Sickly
White Liberal" term in an all too liberal fashion. Everyone
nodded their heads in agreement. I was ready to walk out.
Looking
back at the Kahungunu conference, the lesson I learned is
that one is foolish to generalise or make sweeping statements
about Maori society. Speakers at the event ran the gamut from
an overly intellectual Maori academic who went right over
everyone's head to engaging ex-sportsmen who had demonstrated
solid application of their sporting dedication to economic
development in the private sector.
That
a Maori lawyer who advocates abolition of the Treaty and anti-immigration
rhetoric could achieve such a rousing reception says something.
What exactly that "something" is, is something I'm
still trying to work out. There's more there, I think, than
just "Winston" charisma and magic.
Meanwhile,
our mainstream NZ media continues to muddle through. This
from Tapu Misa in the NZ Herald, arguing against some of those
advocating for the abolition of Maori seats:
The justification seems to be that there are now 18 MPs who identify as
Maori. But given that six are with New Zealand First, a party
which hasn't gone out of its way to advocate Maori causes,
it hardly counts as overwhelming Maori representation.71
I've got a great deal of respect for Ms. Misa, particularly
as a minority Pacific Islands writer making a place for herself
in the mainstream press. But the above statement totally missed
the point. The fact is, is that the six NZ First MPs *are*
Maori. Just because they don't support Maori causes—and
can "Maori causes" be generalised into one sweep,
anyway?—does not mean that these
Maori MPs lose their Maori-ness. They are ethnically Maori.
They are descendants of the original indigenous inhabitants
of Aotearoa NZ. And whether or not they support generalised
mainstream "Maori causes" or not cannot change that.
They remain Maori.
aporia \A*po"ri*a\, noun (Rhet.) A figure in which the speaker professes to be at a loss
what course to pursue, where to begin to end, what to say,
etc. Source: www.dictionary.com
NUHAKA,
AOTEAROA NZ (MAY 22, 2003): I began this week's article with
another reality slip courtesy of Naked in Nuhaka. By suggesting
that all European people should be ethnically categorised
and given the "opportunity" for representation in
Pakeha Electorates I've attempted to point out the patronising
nature of an electoral option that I—as
a person of Maori descent—would
prefer not to have72.
The
history of the Maori seats is not a proud one. Until the early
1990s, there was always only the option of four Maori seats—no matter how disproportionate
the number of Maori voters in each seat was compared to general
electorates.
Even
when that issue was resolved and the number of seats was increased,
it was still the Pakeha bureaucrats who wrote the rules. You
can only change from the General Roll to the Maori Roll once
every five years, following each Census. Why the link to the
Census? People who fill in the Census form are not filling
in an enrolment form, are they? Why aren't people given the
right to change between rolls whenever they feel like it?
If they were given this right, might they perhaps flit back
and forth as they felt like it? And, perhaps, might this point
out the hypocrisy and extreme insince rity of a racially-based,
self-defined electoral system.
Why
does nobody point out the fact that all the Members of Parliament
who have general electorate seats effectively only represent
non-Maori constituents? They do not represent Maori resident
in their electorates. Local MP, Janet Mackey, represents the
East Coast electorate where close to a third of the residents
are Maori. She speaks often of the good work she does for
Maori in her electorate. But, the fact remains, they are not
her constituents.
Danny Keenan73, also in the NZ Herald, wrote
about the lengthy travesties of injustice in the history of
Maori seats. He wrote of how in the 1860s, for fear that "Maori
voters [would] interrupt the process of land dispossession"
creation of four special (as opposed to electoral) Maori seats
took place:
The result was a fiddle. [a private member's bill was introduced] granting
limited franchise to Maori... On a population basis the same
as Pakeha representation, Maori should have had 15 seats;
they were lucky to get four. And these seats were meant to
be only temporary. They were to last for five years; but they
are still with us today. The Maori seats, therefore, were
not about special rights for Maori, they were set up as an
act of denial—Maori were to be denied their rights of full
customary franchise as British citizens. Instead, they were
to be granted four temporary seats.
Though he expresses mixed feelings given the history
of the Maori seats, Mr. Keenan concludes that they should
remain: "The Maori seats provide a guarantee, albeit
a meagre one, that Maori access to Parliament will continue."
I, speaking as a person of Maori descent, wish to state
that its only dogs who eat scraps. And that is exactly what
the Maori seats offer Maori. Those on the left and who purport
to be supportive of "Maori causes" (and I place
these two words in quotes quite deliberately) suffer from
a form of aporia. The right wing of the Englishes and the
Peters' of the world say "Abolish Maori seats! Abolish
Maori seats!" Therefore, the only response from the progressive
left can be "Retain Maori seats! Retain Maori seats!"
The response is automatic, because no alternative is offered
which does not seem to sell Maori short, that does not lose
what little scraps Maori have been given to date.
In this week's column of Naked in Nuhaka, I have offered
an alternative. A truly progressive alternative.
The
Pakeha Electoral Option.
Postscript: One reader of Naked in Nuhaka, who wishes to remain anonymous,
responded to the question of whether they could name another
country that retains an apartheid form of democratic elections.
She
told me that the closest example of a racially-based electoral
system is Fiji, and referred me to a paper written in 1989
and available online74. The author argues that
the Colonial Administrators prevented the introduction of
a common roll because it would have allowed Indians to outnumber
Europeans on the colonial council at a time when indigenous
Fijians were governed under a separate administration. It
appears that Europeans continued to raise the bogey of "Indian
domination" to divide them from Fijians, who would have
gained most from a common roll under a single administration
up until about the 1960s, when Indo-Fijians began to outnumber
them.
There
are other countries which have quota systems for various groups.
For example, Pakistan has a quota for women and, until recently,
had a quota for non-Muslim religious minorities (abolished
in 2002). In addition, the government decreed that all candidates
for the October 2002 elections should be university graduates
(though it is unclear whether the latter was fully upheld)75.
Israel also apparently has a restriction on the number of
seats that Arab Israelis can hold76. South Africa
abolished its racially-based electoral system when it abolished
the Apartheid system on Freedom Day, 27 April 1994.
This
puts New Zealand in an interesting league of so-called democratic
nations with Israel, Pakistan, and Fiji—hereafter otherwise
known as the Axis of Apartheid.
THE PAKEHA ELECTORAL OPTION
Nuhaka, Aotearoa New Zealand (22.5.2003)
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ABOUT
THIS SITE
Leo
Koziol (Rakaipaaka, Kahungunu) writes on identity,
spirit, culture, politics, place and ecology in Aotearoa NZ in the
21st Century.
This website brings together for the first time all of Leo Koziol's
essays, originally posted to Scoop.co.nz
under the banner of Naked in Nuhaka.
Nuhaka is located on the East Coast of the
North Island of Aotearoa New Zealand.
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